Contains:Notes: "Remarkable from the election campaign: Denominational bias: right most, with DDP, with SPD most overcome. Christian enemy The SPD's stance is rescinded thanks to Z. The legal circles offer only limited protection of Christianity: no denominational school, free marriage legislation. In relation to the BVP, the denomination is no longer authoritative, it is behind the political one. The number of Z-people in Bavaria is constantly growing; the crisis of the BVP becomes apparent through the emerging formation of its own party; the success of the hero agitation lagged far behind expectations. Conclusions for the inner party life: Support for constitution and republic, purification of elements like v. Papen, v. Loë, v. Kerckerinck, unity of the party on the basis of the Weimar idea of state (Reichseinheit - liberation of the occupied territories). The attitude of the SPD is loyal to the state and the constitution; unlike that of the nationalists, it has awe and respect for the RP. The position of the Z as a middle party is still of highest importance; the Z has so far gone more to the left, because the right-wing parties want to rape it one-sidedly to a general way to the right (crisis in Prussia).Conclusions: in the Reich the cabinet of Luther has to be tolerated, since its end is probable and perhaps Stresemann will come. In Prussia all well-intentioned attempts have been smashed from the right; Cuno's letter to Jarres. Putting aside all questions of interest in favour of cultivating a state mentality. 3 p., independent full print: Hanns-Jochen Hauss, Die erste Volkswahl des Deutschen RP, Kallmünz/Opf. 1965, p. 180 f.1925 March 18 - Berlin: The Presidium of the Colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft asks Marx whether he is ready for the case of his election to the RP: 1) his influence for an economic and political decision to the RP: 2) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsgemeinschaft to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichskammer to the RP: 3) his influence for the election of the colonial Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft to the RP. 2) in particular the entry of Dtschlds. into the League of Nations ... only if the equal rights of Dtschlds in all areas, including colonial matters, are unequivocally established. The response of the League of Nations to the RR memorandum is not considered a suitable basis for the entry of Dchlds. We would regard it as an irreconcilable and untenable contradiction if, on the one hand, Dtschld. were to be appointed as a member of the League of Nations for the supervision of the mandate administrations to which his colonies were subject, and, on the other hand, if he were to be reserved as unworthy and incapable of administering these colonies himself. Eh. Signatures: Seitz, Governor a. D. (German Colonial Society), Hahl, Governor a. D. (Reichsverband der Kolonialdt.), Lieutenant Colonel a. D. v. Boemcken (Kolonialkriegerbund). 2 S., masch.-schriftl. Ausf.1925 March 24 - Cologne: Manuscripts of two speeches. 5½ and 8 p., masch.-schriftl.1925 March 28: Handwritten mottoes of the presidential candidates Jarres, Hellpach, Marx and Otto Braun. Ztgs. neckline. Including postcard with picture and resume of Jarres.o. D. <1925, before March 30>: Three-trophic song 'Wählt Marx! by Otto Birkle-Lippstadt. Leaflet.1925 March 29 - Berlin: Dr. Alfons Steiger correctly states with Marx that in a speech given at the Z-Verein Berlin-Wilmersdorf he neither spoke of a letter from Crown Prince Rupprecht to Marx, as the 'Vossische Ztg. reports, nor of an "assignment to the speech by Marx, as the 'Berliner Tageblatt writes. Eh. Signature. 1 p., independent Ausf.1925 March 29 and 30: Preliminary results of the RP election in constituencies 1-10 and 17-18: East Prussia, Berlin, Potsdam I and II, Frankfurt/Oder, Stettin, Breslau, Liegnitz, Oppeln, Magdeburg, Westfalen-Nord and Westfalen-Süd; preliminary overall result. 13 p., forms, masch.-schriftl.1925 April 2 - Schloß Falkenberg/OS: Count Praschma returns to Marx's letter of March 30, despite the conversation of the previous day, because the danger does not seem to be over despite Höpker-Aschoff's alleged assumption. I repeat that your candidacy as that of the republican. The Social Democrats, in particular, will otherwise not be able to get their supporters to vote at all, and they will have to bring us, that is to say, large sections of the Z Party outside agriculture too, into the most serious conflict of conscience. Because the vote for your person then means a confession that is against our conviction. What is more, at least two-thirds of the votes you need for a majority must come from the Social Democrats, creating a dependency which we absolutely do not want. It is obvious that the Socialists will not content themselves with a provisional solution, but will demand security that Braun will be held by the Z for at least a number of years, as can already be read in all Ztgn. And so everyone who chooses you would also help to fortify the rule of Braun and the Weimar coalition in Prussia for the near future. It's just not sustainable for us. The mood against the continued existence of the Weimar regimes in Prussia is gradually so strong in the widest Z circles that serious fears exist for the party. You want this to end. It has been reported to me that at the last party committee the same reports were available from all parts of the country. The sample required now should lead to the rupture. I declare openly and honestly that, if things were going as they are, I would not be fighting your candidacy, that would be far from me, but I would not be able to avoid openly announcing, already because of my supporters who want to know my opinion, that I could not take part in the election and could not lift a finger for your candidacy. - They asked yesterday how to get out of this. - Perhaps even today a collective candidacy Geßler or another is still possible, if the Z declares itself for it without reservation. - I'm sure it would have been possible yesterday. Otherwise a clear rejection of any conditions for the votes of the Social Democrats and a positioning only by the Z of your person or, if you then shy away from this hopeless attempt, of another; may from foreign camps vote for whoever wants; in any case better a defeat in honour than a victory bought with such prices. Eh. Signature. 2½ S., masch.-schriftl. Ausf. with many independent improvements.1925 April 8 - Berlin: Marx to Count Praschma: I believe that their fears are unfounded. The course of events has already shown that my candidacy has not been drawn up as a republican one at all, but, as, incidentally, corresponds to the Z-principles, as one faithful to the constitution. It is precisely the installation of Hindenburg, which has just taken place, which will result in the contrast between black-red-gold and black-white-red now appearing more than is desirable and has been the case so far. I must expect every Z-follower to stand on the ground of the Constitution. A further confession is not required of him. It is then further feared that I will be brought into a certain dependence on the Social Democrats. In the usual sense of the word, this is unthinkable. I can tell you here in confidence that any conditions have not been established and demanded by the Social Democrats. Of course, this must not be said in public. In no way has any security been assumed for the adherence to brown as a min. presence in Prussia. There can certainly be no question of a promise being made to him to keep Braun for a number of years as a min. present. He'll have to get a vote of confidence from the LT after April 28. If that's not approved, we'll have to keep thinking. As far as Braun's choice is concerned, things have developed purely inevitably. There was simply nothing left for the Z to do but to choose brown again for the min. presentation. The election of democracy. Min. Present was more based on a misunderstanding and was neither of him nor of the Democrat. Group wanted. I would like to tell you personally about the long negotiations I have had with the right-wing parties. I have indeed exhausted all aspects that were conceivable at all. They smashed everything and in the end, as you know, rejected any further negotiations with me. It is outrageous how the right-wing parties have proceeded in recent months. It won't be the last word on this yet. It is not true that at the last party committee a large number of delegates expressed themselves against the policy followed by the Z. Last week, before the Party Committee and the press, I gave a detailed account of what had actually happened. I believe that the approval of my approach has been unanimous. Unfortunately, the right-wing press has poisoned public opinion in such a way that errors and disagreements can be explained. If I hadn't been hindered by my position, I would have already long ago explained in a public statement how things really happened. I can assure you that for a long time nothing has excited me as much as the development of things in Prussia. More and more it came to light that in a downright irresponsible way with the welfare of the Prussians. State has been played by the Parties of the Right. One wanted to force the Z in every way on a way, which it did not want to go and could not go. It will not be unknown to you that Geßler's collective candidacy, which had so much for itself, was not crushed by the Z, but by the DVP. I certainly didn't run for office out of stubbornness. I see all the hopeful prospects brought about by 1924 destroyed if an RP were now elected, which should be addressed as opponents of the existing constitution. I feel obliged to do everything in my power to avert the imminent danger of our fatherland. 2¼ S., as a concept a copy of Masch.-Schreiben auf Kopfbögen 'RT, Abgeordneten' provided with many independent corrections without certification. 1925 April 7 - Koblenz: independent. Justice Councillor E. Müller invites Marx for his upcoming stay in Koblenz and believes that Marx will win the race in spite of the ev. allies, Mr. Döring and tutti quanti. Eh. Signature. 1 Half.eigenhädigh. Version on personal head bow and Marx's reply note of 18 April 1925 April 8 - Karlsruhe: Hellpach asks Marx to be a guest of bad. to be state government. The public event may be arranged in your program in such a way that I am given the opportunity to welcome you in an opening speech and to justify the necessity of the support of all republican-minded people for your candidacy. Hellpach attaches even greater importance to this as he passes through the bad. will hardly be able to work abroad for your candidacy. He then hopes to see Marx participate in a sociable hour in a not too large circle of different professions, which is linked by the common spirit. Eh. Signature. l½ S., machine-written copy on head sheet 'The President'. 1925 April 8 - Karlsruhe: Hellpach to Marx: The DDP has taken a decisive part in the preparation of your republican candidacy for unity by putting aside all reservations and in correct appreciation of the situation and especially of your personality. We all stand in rank and file to now help bring victory to you. This is made more difficult in Baden by attacks from the Z-press. The 'Bodensee-Ztg.' of March 25 attacked Hellpach's management as minister of education, the 'Pfälzer Bote' of April 3 pointed maliciously to a script of Hellpach's 'Liebe und Liebesleben im 19. Cent.' written 24 years ago, which I would certainly have written quite differently in some sentences a few years later and even today, but whose moral seriousness I will not let touch even today. It would be really high time that in Dtschld. the custom to characterize someone by what he has said or written a human age before, from the political, economic, social and political world, would be to be found. The struggle of the decent camps disappears, and among political allies it seems completely unbearable to me and all my friends. Eh. Signature. 4 p., machine-written edition on head sheet 'Der Staatspräsident', in the appendix the attracted newspaper reports, one of them meigenhädigeh. Comment Hellpachs.1925 April 11 - Castle Falkenberg OS: Count Praschma thanks Marx for the letter of the 8th of the month and confirms that Marx from the beginning did not want his candidacy to be linked with the question of republic or monarchy. He denies, however, that Marx's application was not raised republican. It was clear that socialists and democrats had to do it, because they could only win their supporters for the pronounced Z-man and Catholics by doing so. But also the rallies of the Z are republican: so the call of the people's bloc; Cologne and Schles. With Hindenburg's election, Volksztg. announce the return of the Hohenzollern, which followed on foot, and scourge the BVP as monarchistic; leaflets printed by 'Germania' emphasize Marx as the guarantor of the republic. The schles. Farmers can now no longer participate if they are required to deny the monarchical attitude. In Catholic circles, therefore, Hindenburg will be elected or abstained for the most part; Praschma describes himself as not blind to the right-wing parties and in no way apologizes for their actions in the Prussian crisis: "But neither was the Z allowed to fall back on Braun now. I know enough from the Reich Council deliberations about the difficulties the Prussians are facing. Reg. with Braun and Severing makes the legislation of the empire, commercial contracts, taxes etc. This will destroy agriculture in the long run. Braun also immediately started to object to the primary school law. And the connection with your election will not be talked out of anyone's mouth; the socialists also make sure that opinion is spread because they need it for their own followers. I would have thought the Geßler candidature to be a very happy one; I am afraid that Stresemann, who smashed it, also plays a less than pleasant role in the present situation. Eh. Signature. 2 S., masch.-schriftl. Ausf. mit eigenhädig Verbesserungen und Briefschlus.1925 April 12 (Easter) - Oberstdorf: Wilhelm Frhr. v. Pechmann, who was allowed to recite Marx on the first day of his chancellorship because of the revaluation, recognizes in Hindenburg's candidacy a coincidence of God and invokes Marx to withdraw his own candidacy for the sake of the national community, if only because he should not allow himself to be downgraded to the figurehead of the SPD. Eh. Signature. 4½ S., independent Execution as "Open letter, personal headbows.o. D. Köthen: Müller writes to Marx that first and foremost the two confessions belong together and that the Z must not ally itself against Protestantism with the deniers of God. Eh. Signature. 1 half page. Eh. In the annex Ztgs. excerpt about corrupt SPD leaders in the Lausitz and an open letter of Frhrn. Franz v. Bodelschwingh an Marx, 1 p., print.1925 April 14 - Königsberg: Manuscript of a speech. 15 p., in addition to p. 9 three uncounted p., copy of Masch.-Schreiben. Many improvements.1925 April 16 - Berlin: Order of the meal of the Reichsbanner in honour of Marx in the Zoological Garden. 1 half page, print. <1925 April>: Manuscript of a speech in front of an old economic signature: 68.
